{"id":20,"date":"2026-05-22T19:39:41","date_gmt":"2026-05-22T19:39:41","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/usabusinesschronicle.com\/?p=20"},"modified":"2026-05-22T19:39:41","modified_gmt":"2026-05-22T19:39:41","slug":"how-to-fix-childcare-for-families-and-workers","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/usabusinesschronicle.com\/?p=20","title":{"rendered":"How to Fix Childcare for Families and Workers"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n

Buried inside President Donald Trump\u2019s One Big Beautiful Bill Act\u2014signed on July 4, 2025\u2014are two provisions that have gone mostly unnoticed, yet are already reshaping higher education in real time. Currently, colleges nationwide are conducting audits and reworking budgets to comply with these transformative new rules.\u00a0<\/p>\n

Read more Fear and Loathing in Palo Alto<\/a><\/p>\n

The first, Workforce Pell, extends Pell Grants to short-term workforce training programs, but only to those that lead to \u201chigh-skill, high-wage, in-demand\u201d jobs. The federal government sets a floor of roughly 150 percent of the federal poverty line; state workforce boards decide which specific programs are in demand. The policy shift is already reshaping campus strategy\u201470 percent of college presidents, including more than half at four-year private nonprofits, told Inside Higher Ed they plan to add or expand short-term credential programs over the next three years, according to its 2026 survey.\u00a0<\/p>\n

The second is \u201cDo No Harm.\u201d This provision ends federal student loans for college programs whose graduates, four years after leaving school, earn no more than a typical high school graduate in the same state earns. The rule applies to two-year and four-year, public and private, for-profit and nonprofit, and to graduate programs, where the comparison is with bachelor\u2019s degree holders. Do No Harm is the broadest and simplest accountability measure Washington has ever imposed on higher education: a single earnings test applied to every kind of institution at every level of credential.\u00a0<\/p>\n

The rule is the product of\u202fa three-quarters-of-a-century bipartisan effort to bring accountability to higher education. Its premise is simple and popular: If a credential can\u2019t lift its graduates above an earnings benchmark, taxpayers should not pay students to enroll in it. For most programs, that\u2019s a low bar. Human Development and Family Studies\u2014the academic foundation for the early-childhood workforce\u2014is virtually the only program at risk of failing both the \u201cDo No Harm\u201d measure and the Workforce Pell eligibility requirements. And the reason has nothing to do with skills or demand.\u00a0<\/p>\n

A bachelor\u2019s degree in human development, family studies, and related services earns graduates equivalent to a sub-associate certificate in the same field. One year after leaving school, data show the three credential tracks clustering in a $24,000 to $34,000 band. The bachelor\u2019s wage premium at year one is roughly zero. At year five, it is only about $900, based on the Census Bureau\u2019s Post-Secondary Employment Outcomes file, which links academic records to state unemployment-insurance wage records to track what graduates earn.)\u00a0<\/p>\n

This is not a niche concern. Over 100,000 students completed a Human Development and Family Studies credential over the past five years at community colleges and four-year universities. Every state covered in the data shows those graduates earning below the living wage for a single adult with no kids. The shortfall runs about $14,000 to $36,000 a year, the smallest in Oklahoma and the largest in New York, where the median bachelor\u2019s graduate earns just 43 percent of what\u2019s needed to cover the cost of living.\u00a0<\/p>\n

Human Development, Family Studies, and Related Services programs are the academic foundation for the childcare workforce: They study how children develop, and they equip grads with the skills to care for young children outside a K\u201312 teaching license. The Center for the Study of Child Care Employment at the University of California, Berkeley reports that 98 percent of center-based early-childhood teaching staff are women. Including home-based providers, the early-childhood workforce is roughly 2.2 million people. Women\u2019s work has long been priced this way, and the gap has rarely been about skill, demand, value, or credentials.\u00a0<\/p>\n

Why credentials don\u2019t pay<\/strong>\u00a0<\/p>\n

Childcare work is one of the lowest-paid occupations in the U.S. The median salary is around $32,000 a year, according to the BLS\u2019s wage survey. A preschool teacher earns about $39,000. Similar developmental work, performed by a kindergarten teacher on a public K-12 payroll, pays about $63,000. The jump is not a skill jump. It is a payer jump. K-12 is publicly funded through mandatory state and local revenue streams. Early childhood is paid for, mostly, out of what parents can afford. In most states, center-based childcare already costs working families more than in-state college tuition. Providers cannot raise tuition, because parents cannot pay more. That is why a bachelor\u2019s degree holder in the field earns no more than a certificate holder.\u00a0<\/p>\n

What the earnings screen measures<\/strong>\u00a0<\/p>\n

A high wage acts as a proxy for high demand, since in a working market demand drives wages up. For childcare that proxy fails. On one side, demand is through the roof\u2014and some of it is latent, because when care costs as much as college tuition, families who would use it if the cost fit their budget, decide not to enter the market at all. On the other side, labor supply is choked by what parents can pay, which caps wages, which constrains how many people choose the field in the first place. Both sides need each other, and if they could meet, society would gain enormously, but conditions in most states don\u2019t allow it.\u00a0<\/p>\n

Read more The Workers Who Defy Gravity<\/a><\/p>\n

The earnings screen, meant to flag high-value jobs, misreads this market because of the structural failure described above, which is present in most states. Anyone who has cared for young children knows the work is deeply rewarding and just as physically and mentally demanding. Yet we pay for it as if it were the least useful thing in the economy, even though no one else can get to work without it.\u00a0<\/p>\n

What it would take to move the wages <\/strong>\u00a0<\/p>\n

Oklahoma took the first real steps toward addressing it. In 1998, the state legislature folded universal pre-K into the K\u201312 school funding system\u2014mandating free preschool for every four-year-old, requiring lead teachers to hold a bachelor\u2019s degree and an early childhood credential, and paying them on the K\u201312 teacher salary scale. Because funding is through a per-pupil formula, not annual appropriations, it has weathered recessions; because the wage is pegged to K\u201312, it does not bend to what parents can pay. That is why Oklahoma\u2019s Pre-K teachers come closest to a living wage and why early-childhood reformers laud the state.\u00a0<\/p>\n

But Oklahoma\u2019s model only reaches four-year-olds in publicly funded pre-K\u2014not the rest of the early-childhood workforce caring for infants, toddlers, and three-year-olds, who still rely on parental payment. New Mexico is the first state to apply the same logic across the field. Thanks to state\u2019s sustained investment in wages, subsidies, and the early childhood workforce, both pay and supply have increased.\u00a0<\/p>\n

From 2019 to 2024, New Mexico led the nation in median annual childcare wage growth, rising 64.6 percent against 32.3 percent nationally. Over the same period, the state\u2019s childcare workforce grew\u202fby 64 percent, while the national childcare workforce shrank by 7.4 percent. In November 2025, New Mexico became the first state to offer no-cost universal childcare for every child under five. Supply, demand, and wages all move up together when the state sets the conditions for a functioning market.\u00a0\u00a0<\/p>\n

What makes the system work? First, there is a stable funding stream\u2014primarily from oil and gas leases on state-owned land\u2014which New Mexico secured through a constitutional amendment. It shields early-childhood spending from annual budget fights and gives providers multi-year planning horizons. The funding source for this program is state-specific, but the principle\u2014carving out a dedicated, recurring revenue stream\u2014is transferable. Second, New Mexico uses cost-based reimbursement, which prices subsidies against the cost of delivering quality care, not what families can pay. Third, workforce compensation targets are benchmarked to public-school elementary pay scales. These anchor early-childhood educators\u2019 wages instead of leaving them to the market that produced the flat ladder.\u00a0\u00a0<\/p>\n

The thing is, in New Mexico, Human Development programs will easily meet the federal earnings screens because graduates\u2019 skills command higher wages. Oklahoma comes closest, but its wage premium is concentrated among public pre-K teachers. Elsewhere, it depends on the credential level and the state. The federal earnings test for Workforce Pell sets a relatively low bar, and most programs clear it; the real question for short-term early-childhood credentials is whether state workforce boards designate the field as \u201chigh-skill, high-wage, in-demand.\u201d Because \u201chigh wage\u201d is not how one would describe early childhood care, that designation depends on whether boards choose to advocate for the field based on necessity, skill content, and labor demand. Do No Harm, meanwhile, will pull federal loan eligibility from associate\u2019s, bachelor\u2019s, and graduate programs whose graduates earn no more than the relevant comparison group, and in human development, where all three credential tracks cluster in the same earnings band, the rule\u2019s likely effect is to push students toward adjacent credentials like elementary education and reduce the number who pursue higher degrees in the field at all. Soften the rule to spare the field, and you produce debt-burdened graduates whose wages can\u2019t carry their loans. Hold the line, and you shrink an already-thin early-childhood workforce. It looks like a tradeoff. It doesn\u2019t have to be.\u00a0<\/p>\n

What no accountability rule can fix on its own is the market failure of the early-childhood labor market. It does not function like a normal one: parents cannot pay what the work is worth, and the value it creates accrues largely off the books, to the employers whose workers can show up, to a tax base built on those workers, to the future shaped by children who develop well. None of those beneficiaries pay the people doing the work.\u00a0\u00a0<\/p>\n

Do No Harm is already acting as a catalyst, shifting focus from the symptom of low post-graduate earnings to its cause. Now that institutions are being held accountable for what their graduates earn, they have both the obligation and the standing to advocate for graduates whose training and labor produce real social value and ought to command a living wage. The structural changes that raise early-childhood educators\u2019 wages are where this accountability pressure belongs. The right response, then, is not to tailor the rule to spare Human Development programs, and certainly not to repeal yet another hard-won higher-education accountability standard. It falls to state and local lawmakers, workforce boards, early-childhood advocates, policy institutes, and the institutions that train this workforce to figure out, together, how to do what New Mexico did: build the state-specific funding architecture (dedicated revenue, cost-based reimbursement, wage-parity benchmarks) that finally lets the value of the work performed match the value it provides, and gives the dignity of a living wage to the workforce behind the workforce.\u00a0<\/p>\n

Read more Be Thankful Barney Frank Wasn\u2019t Pushed Out in 1989<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

New accountability rules could expose the childcare wage crisis and push states to fund early childhood work like the public good it is.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":19,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[4,11,6,5,2],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-20","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-books","category-economy","category-foreign-policy","category-podcast","category-politics"],"yoast_head":"\nHow to Fix Childcare for Families and Workers - USA Business Chronicle<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/usabusinesschronicle.com\/?p=20\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"How to Fix Childcare for Families and Workers - 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